Director’s Comment:
The assassination of Pakistan's former Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto, is a great tragedy
for Pakistan, for pro-democracy Muslims, and especially for Muslim women worldwide. With all
of her shortcomings, Bhutto was pro-democracy and adamantly opposed to any tolerance of
extremists. Due to the nature of her beliefs and her firm stance on democracy, Bhutto had
become very close to the West. She was a shining symbol for Muslim women in general, but
especially in places like Saudi Arabia, where women have no rights under the Saudi-Wahhabi
Shariah law. From all reports, it is evident that Bhutto's assassination was very
well-orchestrated. The media and other analytical consultants in the United States and the
West rushed into exonerating Musharraf's government from having a hand in Bhutto's murder.
This habitual rush to judgment overlooks very basic facts and possibilities. The political
pundits argue that Musharraf had nothing to gain from Bhutto's death. Firstly, this argument
lacks an understanding of the ways in which dictators have historically disposed of their
opponents. Dictators rarely spare any efforts at eliminating possible threats or opponents
to their regimes, regardless of who gets hurt, even if this puts the well-being of the
entire country and its people at risk. In addition, Musharraf, either on his own or with
encouragement from friendly Muslim governments, may have concluded his position would
drastically be weakened if Bhutto won election in a big way. Moreover, Musharraf may have
wanted to get back at the West, specifically the United States and England, for having
pressured him to allow Bhutto to come back and challenge him in popular elections. Finally,
other Muslim dictators may have encouraged Musharraf to get rid of Bhutto because of fears
that her victory would encourage pro-democracy advocates, especially women in their
countries to demand their rights.
When Bhutto returned to Pakistan in October of 2007, she was met with open hearts and arms
by many Pakistanis who, over time, had become disillusioned by Musharraf’s military rule.
Furthermore, when Bhutto started campaigning, she discovered that her popularity among
Pakistanis exceeded even her greatest expectations. She made a colossal mistake by calling
on Musharraf to step aside in order to pave the way for a government under her Pakistan
Peoples Party. Musharraf resented her move and more so, resented the West for having forced
him to let Bhutto return. Musharraf was not the only party threatened by Bhutto’s
popularity. The Saudi royal family, who had been hosting former Prime Minister and Bhutto’s
competitor, Nawaz Sharif (ousted in a military coup by Musharraf eight years prior) was
scared that Bhutto would win the election. Her ascendance to Pakistan’s high office would
weaken the Saudi-Wahhabi strong religious, political and economic influence in Pakistan,
Afghanistan and the rest of Central Asia. The Saudis summoned Musharraf in November of 2007
and talked him into allowing former Prime Minister Sharif to return to and run for the top
job in Pakistan against Bhutto, whom the Saudis loathe. Three days after Musharraf’s visit
to Saudi Arabia, Sharif was on his way to Pakistan. This is a very suspicious turn of
events, because when Sharif showed up in Pakistan in October he was rebuffed by Musharraf
and sent back to Saudi Arabia in the same plane that carried him to Pakistan.
The repercussions of Bhutto’s assassination could be catastrophic for pro-democracy Arabs
and Muslims and for millions of aspiring Muslim women worldwide. Arab and Muslim dictators
will continue to murder their pro-democracy opponents (enemies) as well as liberals and
seculars, whom they fear more than terrorists and extremists. Sadly and dangerously, the
West cooperates with these dictators, whose legitimacy and ability to stay in power depend
on the presence and continuity of the same extremists they claim to be fighting against.
Read More
Director’s Comment:
At the heart of Muslim religious extremism and intolerance is the Saudi literally
interpreted and piercingly implemented version of the Quran, Shariah, Islamic arbitrary law,
and Hadith, the Prophet’s conversation or tradition. The Saudi-Wahhabi population represents
less than one percent of Muslims worldwide, which is a miniscule percentage. This number
would be religiously irrelevant if it were not for the fact that Islam was founded in the
Western Hijaz region, which was annexed by the Saudi-Wahhabi death Squads (the Ikhwan, or
Brothers) in 1926. The first thing the Saudi-Wahhabi invaders took part in when they entered
Mecca was the destruction of Christians, Jews, Pagans and even Prophet Mohammed’s sanctuary.
From that point on, the Saudi-Wahhabi alliance became the sole interpreter, writer, printer
and translator of the Muslim holy books to hundreds of languages. After this, the books and
other intolerant literature are shipped and distributed free of charge to Muslim communities
around the world. The original Quran was written in Arabic only, yet the overwhelming
majority of Muslims do not speak Arabic, so they rely on the Saudi-Wahhabi ideologues’
interpretations and instructions.
The largest non-Arabic speaking Muslim country is Indonesia, whose former President, Mr.
Abdulrahman Wahid, became the most prominent advocate for defeating the Saudi-Wahhabi-Salafi
dangerous ideology. He calls on “Muslims and non-Muslims to unite and defeat the Wahhabi
ideology.” While this is one step in the right direction, the way to defeat Saudi-Wahhabi
deadly dogma is by creating an international representative Muslim Council to govern the
Muslim holy shrines in Mecca and Medina, Saudi Arabia, and challenge the Wahhabi monopoly
over the interpretation of the Quran, Shariah and Hadith. The Center for Democracy and Human
Rights in Saudi Arabia (CDHR), located in Washington D.C., is embarking on a comprehensive
research project to explore the possibility of the establishment of a Muslim Council to
share the governance of the Muslim holy shrines in Saudi Arabia, and to engage in debate
about the interpretation of the Quran, the Shariah and the Hadith, as well as the role they
should play in the daily lives of Muslims in the 21st century.
Read More
Director’s Comment:
Despite the Saudi government’s extraordinary expenditure on its layers of extravagantly
armed domestic security personnel and unprecedented fortification of its borders, the
instability of Saudi Arabia and its absolute royal family are probably at their worst ever.
Since the bombing of foreign compounds in the Saudi capital, Riyadh, and other parts of the
country in 2003 and subsequent years, 45 violent attempts against the royal family, its
infrastructures and its extremist religious establishment have been foiled by the Saudi
security apparatus with the help of foreign governments each year. One of the most
destabilizing attempts was foiled in Nov. 2007. 208 men were about to carry out a
devastating operation before they were discovered and rounded up from all regions in the
country. According to the Saudi Interior Ministry, they received flying training in and
outside of the country, smuggled rockets and other sophisticated equipment from abroad and
planned to assassinate senior princes and religious personalities as well as inflict massive
damage to oil facilities. Had a plot of this magnitude succeeded, even partially, it would
have caused a dangerous political vacuum and possible disintegration of the country since
there is no national identity other than forced unity under the banner of the royal family.
The outcome would have left the US with no choice but to intervene militarily to protect the
oil facilities and flow of oil without which the global economy would collapse. A similar,
albeit less ambitious, attempt was foiled on Dec. 14, 2007 when 28 men were discovered
before they executed a plot to attack targets in Muslim holy sites during the holist days in
the Muslim calendar, the Hajj, pilgrimage.
In spite of these serious attempts, the Saudi government keeps telling its people and the
world that the country is stable and that it is only a matter of time before the anti-royal
family forces in the country are eliminated. Obviously the US and others don’t agree, and
this is why US ships are patrolling the Arab side of the Persian Gulf to protect the oil
facilities and the flow of oil. It is assumed that this topic will occupy a great portion of
President Bush’s visit to Saudi Arabia on Jan. 14.
Read More
Director’s Comment:
The Saudi population is amongst the most self-regulated on earth. This is due to a crippling
fear of being punished for doing something a member of the thousands of princes and
princesses may consider offensive or insensitive to the royal supremacy. There are no
codified civil laws, rules, or regulations in Saudi Arabia. The Saudi people operate in the
dark because they do not know what to expect or what borders they can and cannot cross.
Depending on the moods of those who enforce the rules, decisions are made on the spot by
princes and their hand-picked extremist religious judges, security men, and terrorist-like
religious police. This reality permeates every aspect of the Saudi society, infrastructure,
judicial system, and media outlets. Most Saudi journalists, professors, authors, narrators,
analysts, and commentators are among the best and sharpest in the world, yet they live and
work under constant fear of being severely penalized if they transcend the border of what is
narrowly defined and permissible by their absolute government, the royal family.
It is an irrefutable fact that some primitive (cosmetic) media stifling rules have been
relaxed during the past four years in Saudi Arabia. However, Saudi print and visual
journalists can only write about the real issues indirectly and metaphorically. They dare
not mention the failures of any member of the royal family, as the princes control the
media, national income and its dispensations, security, education, mosques, transportation,
the judicial system, political decision-making, and every important ministerial and
governorship position in the country. This reality makes it impossible for the media to
discuss, highlight, expose, or critique any issue in depth that does not involve a member of
the royal family.
The Saudi media has a lot to talk about. All forms of civil society are banned by the Saudi
government, and severe gender segregation in public places is fiercely enforced by the
government’s religious police. The Saudi people are among the most deprived of crucial
social norms and elements such as amphitheaters, co-ed restaurants, sports arenas, theaters,
classrooms, bars, music halls and acting stages. Free public debates are taboos, as are
intellectual freedoms. This socially dry, isolating and insulating environment was recently
punctured by the creation of blogs. Young Saudis, like their regional and global
counterparts, have begun to use the new internet medium to communicate with each other and
discuss legitimate social and political issues.
One such blogger is the courageous Fouad Farhan of Jeddah, a major liberal and cosmopolitan
city in the Hijaz region. He broke free from the self-regulated pattern which most Saudi
journalists have no choice but to embrace if they want to avoid imprisonment, the loss of
their jobs, and stigmatization. Mr. Farhan writes about what the Saudi government and its
religious establishment label as corrupting and un-Islamic infidel values such as liberty,
codified civil laws, accountability, and transparency, among other issues. Since these
topics are un-Islamic, they are considered security risks and against God’s will and the
beliefs of Wali Elimr, the king. Mr. Farhan was seized by the dreaded agents (Mubahith) of
Prince Naif’s Ministry of Interior on December 10, 2007, ostensibly for reasons other than
his demands for better governance.
In order to avoid domestic and international condemnation, such as that which occurred in
the case of the gang raped bint Al-Qatief in December, Prince Naïf did not close blogging
activities. However, he also failed to accuse Mr. Farhan of any crime. The question is, why
was Mr. Farhan arrested? If his arrest was due to his writings, which most Saudis seem to
suspect, then this is proof that the reform King Abdullah and his hired propagandists in the
West brag about is a farce. Why is it a crime for the new generation of young citizens to
discuss issues that shape and affect every aspect of their daily lives, as well as the
future of their society and country?
Read More
Director’s Comment: According to a recent Gallup Survey, the majority of Saudi men and women who were interviewed support Saudi women’s rights to drive, have equal salary for equal jobs, and hold high positions in government. There is no doubt that there will be substantial opposition to any changes in the present male-dominant society in Saudi Arabia, but that is to be expected in countries where one segment of society has control over every domain, professional or otherwise. Why is the Saudi government neglecting to grant women their civil, natural and human rights to have equal opportunities as full citizens, regardless of opposition by some religious and traditional men? The reason is that the only legitimacy the Saudi royal family possesses comes from the extremist Wahhabi religious establishment and the small percentage of aging traditionalist men. In reality, the Saudi royal family is willing to sacrifice the rights and dignity of half of its citizens, women, for the support of religious extremists and the dying generation of Saudi men. This is not only morally wrong but pragmatically dangerous because women are the most vocal group in Saudi Arabia. They are calling for change in educational, political, economic, social and religious institutions. Sooner or later, Saudi women will attain formidable power that could lead to the end of despotism and religious extremism. Read More
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