Director’s Comment: Prince Naif is known for his opposition to democratic reforms, loath of reformers, and staunch support for religious extremists, whom he supervises in conducting violent actions against citizens. Recently, as the Saudi Minister of Interior, he was asked whether the powerless Majlis al-Shura, the Consultative Council, would be elected in the future or not. Such a question infuriated him, considering such matters an infringement on his ruling family’s domain: an exclusive right to rule by birth. According to Naif, “elections are not important, the ends are more important than means.” Naif claimed that the overwhelming majority of the Saudi people would object to elections if asked. Between February 10 and April 21 2005, the Saudi government, under pressure from the US, permitted partial and exclusionary municipal elections for the first time in the country’s
history under the Saudi dynasty. Those who were allowed to run for office or vote demonstrated an eagerness to voice their opinions in a very orderly manner. When it became clear that women, military and security personnel, and all citizens under 21 years of age were excluded from participating in the elections, many of them vocalized their anger and condemnation of the election committee. Given the debate prior to, and after the elections, it became clear that had all citizens been allowed to vote, turnout could have been substantial, contrary to the assertions of Prince Naif.
To Prince Naif, elected parliaments did not help “Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine, Egypt or even Kuwait.” He furthermore downplayed any Saudi dissent on the matter, as “elections are discussed among foreign cells that have no interest in the well-being of the Saudi people.” The blaming of external factors for all internal failures has led to endemic buck-passing with little tangible progress or reform. It is interesting that Naif only compared the lack of political participation in his family’s kingdom to parliaments in countries where his government plays a major political and economic role in ensuring its interests own and spreading its extremist brand of Islam.
Naif is not the only senior member of Saudi royalty vehemently opposed to power-sharing with the Saudi people. King Abdullah, praised among Saudi proponents of his unfulfilled rhetoric and Westerners as a reformer, issued a royal decree in November 2006 putting an end to any possible hope to share power with the captive Saudi population. He created a council of princes to appoint a suitable member from the al-Saud ruling dynasty to become a king in case of illness or familial dispute on succession.
Article 1:
A royal decree announced the establishment of the Allegiance Institution, which comprises:
1) Sons of King Abdulaziz Al-Saud, the founder of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia;
2) Grandsons of King Abdulaziz whose fathers are deceased, incapacitated (as determined by a medical report) or otherwise unwilling to assume the throne. Members appointed by the King must be capable and known for their integrity.
3) A son of the King and a son of the Crown Prince, both to be appointed by the King.
Director’s Comment: Many Saudi men and women have spoken out against Saudi extremists and suicide bombers since the vicious attacks on 9/11, planned and executed primarily by Saudi nationals. Since those attacks, Saudi Arabia has become synonymous with the source of such extremism and terrorism. It was not until the attacks on foreign compounds inside Saudi Arabia (2003), in which scores of people were killed and injured, that the Saudi government admitted the culpability of their educational and religious institutions in creating a frustrated and disgruntled generation. Some of these people become ticking time bombs and ripe recruits for terror organizations.
As the attached article illustrates, it is no wonder that Saudis now start breathing harder at news of suicide bombers, expecting that their countrymen are probably involved. It was recently revealed by an American co
mmander in Iraq that the majority of prisoners suspected of terrorism in Iraq are Saudis. It has also been reported that Syria has also imprisoned many Saudi nationals, and that still other Saudis were killed and injured in the ongoing strife in Lebanon. Wherever there are either suicide bombers or plots for death and destruction, Saudis come to mind first.
The solution for eradicating the root causes of suicide bombers and their indoctrinators is in the hands of the Saudi royal family. The ruling elites can start by abolishing the institutions that perpetuate religious incitements, such as shutting off Imam Mohammed ibn Saud University in Riyadh, Um al-Gora in Mecca and abolishing the government-sponsored terrorist agency, the Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice.
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Director’s Comment: The Saudi ruling dynasty and their protégé enemy, Osama Bin Laden, have identical objectives in Iraq: no democracy, no majority rule, no protection of rights for women or minorities, and above all limited or no oil production from Iraq’s rich fields. Restoring Iraq’s oil facilities and producing large quantities of oil could bring oil prices down, undermining OPEC and thus Saudi oil revenues and influence in the region and global economy. Wining the war against religious ideologues and terrorism will require a total transformation of Saudi institutions, which conceive, hatch, and nurture potential suicide bombers. Furthermore, because of the nature of the Saudi government, it was suggested that the government is complicit in sending fighters and extremists abroad “so they won't create havoc at home.”
Saudi Arabia is at the epicenter of these global probl
ems; therefore it needs and deserves a nonsectarian participatory political structure (a constitutional monarchy and or a parliamentarian system). Empowering Saudi citizens to participate in all decisions that affect their lives and country is essential to peace and the eradication of the root causes of extremism and religious intolerance. Moreover, in order to wrest the government’s massive control of the economy, actual measures should proceed to privatize all the government’s industries. If winning the War on Terror is a top priority for the US and its democratic allies, structural transformation of all Saudi institutions should be a priority as well.
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Director’s Comment: Though the government has allotted budgetary funds for several thousand new schools, and several new universities, there are still underlying structural problems with Saudi Arabia’s educational system. The government and powerful elements in Saudi Arabia use religion as a pretext for espousing values contrary to the true nature of Islam. Additionally, though there have been some small moves to change particular elements of school curricula, there has been no movement to address overall educational reform. The removal of certain offensive aspects of textbooks does not fully address the problems leading to the export of suicide bombers. It further does not address the legacy of cultural homogeneity and isolation imprinted by the present Saudi system of education.
Support for mujahidin in Afghanistan has helped breed an institutionalized means and mentalit
y for training and exporting Saudi militants. Moreover, media and state-run education feed into such a system. Dealing with topical issues, but not with the overall culture of hate fueled by education “won’t eliminate the terrorist threats our country [Saudi Arabia] is confronting.” As a result, the United States, its troops abroad, the Iraqi people, and indeed the whole world – because terrorism is a global problem – will be faced with the threat of terrorism. Saudi Arabia should address overall structural reform politically, economically, and to a large extent socially. But so far the House of Saud has proven unwilling to deal even with substantive structural reform to education.
Read More (in Arabic)
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