Center
for Democracy and Human Rights in Saudi Arabia, Washington DC
A Commentary and Analysis of the
Current Saudi Scene
Recent Developments in Saudi
Arabia Require Coherent and Democratically Inclined Leadership
Saudi Leadership In Turmoil
CDHR’s Analysis: There has not been a time in the
history of the Saudi kingdom where the absence of a coherent leadership has
been as conspicuous as it is today. This
is largely due to the recent deaths of the two most powerful and experienced
princes of the old guard, former Defense Minister Sultan and Interior Minister Naif, who died within 8 months of each other. King Abdullah is very frail due to his age
and a severe back ailment, while some even maintain that he is incoherent. In addition, the Foreign Minister, Saud
Al-Faisal, has been in poor health for years and Prince Salman, the newly
selected Crown Prince and most likely the next king, is aging and has had both
heart problems and back issues for years.
Accordingly, there is
a huge leadership vacuum in Saudi Arabia, a country whose stability is of major
importance to the international community because it sits atop large quantities
of oil reserves and is able to refine and export more petroleum than any
country with the exception of Russia.
Given these facts, it is difficult to say who is actually running the
state’s affairs in Saudi Arabia because of the ruling family’s secretive
behind-the-scenes power struggle.
However, one can
postulate as to what might be going on behind the fortified gold-plated palace
doors. With the exception of Saudi
Intelligence minders, Prince Migrin and Prince Ahmed, who inherited Prince
Naif’s Interior Ministry position in June, the end of the first generation of
Saudi ruling princes is all but over.
However, they have groomed and placed their male offspring in position
to inherit powers from their parents.
King Abdullah’s son, Mitib, is State Minister and director of the fierce
National Guard, estimated at sixty to eighty thousand well-armed and
religiously indoctrinated loyal soldiers.
Prince Khalid Bin Sultan, son of former Defense Minister and Crown
Prince Sultan, is second in command of the armed forces. Prince Mohammed Bin Naif, son of former
Interior Minister and Crown Prince Naif, is second in command of his father’s
ministry, the backbone of the family and state domestic security.
These sons are likely
to assume powerful positions in any future government. Yet there are others who may be in line for
the thrown. For example, the former
Director of the Intelligence and ambassador to great Britain and the US, Prince
Turki Al-Faisal, is a grouchy, aggressive, and experienced man and the son of
former King Faisal, one of the family’s most decisive and temperamental kings
(King Faisal was assassinated by a nephew in March 1975). Given his experience, character and
toughness, it is more likely that Prince Al-Faisal will play a major role in
any future government, and it will not be surprising if he were to become the
first king of the second generation. His
brother Khalid, governor of Mecca, is a force to reckon with as well. Khalid is an educated, poetic, and
experienced anti-religious zealot in favor of upgrading and moving the
education system away from the control of the religious establishment. Khalid also owns the most liberal Arabic
daily, Al-Watan.
Regardless of who rises to power, tangible reforms and inclusion are
inevitable if the ruling family wishes to survive the waging Arab Revolt. The Saudi people are mostly young,
disconnected from the past, and more interested in modernity than in religion,
tradition and studying the Quran. Like
their counterparts both in Arab and non-Arab societies, the younger generation
strives for greater freedom from authorities.
They want better paying jobs, respect, a relaxed social life, and
equality, especially for women and religious minorities.
As the Saudi ruling
family’s most trusted ally, the U.S. can play a positive role in helping the
Saudi ruling princes include the restless population in the decision-making
processes and governing of the state.
For example, all governors should be non-royals as is the case now. Free municipal and national elections to
choose local and national male and female representatives can go a long way in
power sharing, avoiding violent
revolt and stabilizing
the country.
The Olympics: Saudi
Women Have Done it
CDHR's Commentary: At long last, the ruling Saudi monarchy has
realized that Saudi women’s demands for their rights cannot be ignored. For this reason, the Saudi regime has decided
to let women participate in the Olympic Games in London, July 2012.
However, hanging over
what should be a momentous occasion for the Saudi kingdom is a cloud of
doubt. The Olympics are less than two
weeks away and Saudi women are hardly prepared to compete in most sports, let
alone the most competitive athletics event in the world. While Saudi women would likely excel in any
competition, they are prevented from practicing sports in their country.
In addition, it has been revealed that the most likely female competitor in
this year's games, 20-year-old equestrian Dalma Rushdi Malhas, has been
disqualified due to late registration.
Deviously, the Saudi government was already aware that Ms. Malhas, the only
Saudi woman prepared for the games, had been disqualified when it made its
announcement.
With the games just
weeks away and little to no chance that another Saudi woman will be able to
take the field in London, one cannot help but wonder about the timing of the
government's decision. Is it conceivable
that the ruling Saudi elites want to ensure women's failure at the Olympics so
they can justify their discriminatory policies against them? The rulers have long considered women
physically, emotionally and mentally incapable of doing more than providing
pleasure for males, giving birth and raising “good men.”
Saudi Arabia has
participated in nine Olympic Games since 1972 but has repeatedly violated the standards
of the games by barring women from its national team. Officials with the International Olympic
Committee (IOC) have long said the Kingdom's policy of gender discrimination
contradicts the Olympics’ charter, which states "any form of discrimination
with regard to a country or a person on the grounds of race, religion,
politics, sex or otherwise is incompatible with ... the Olympic Movement."
However, the IOC has
failed to implement its charter and ban Saudi Arabia from participating in the
Olympics as it did with South Africa in 1964 over its refusal to condemn
apartheid and include blacks on its Olympic team. After years of watching women from all over
the world, including Arab and Muslim women, participate in the Olympics, Saudi
women are making their voices heard and demands felt in Saudi Arabia and
beyond.
It must be said that
the decision made by the Saudi regime to let women participate in the Olympics
in London is not an altruistic one. To
the contrary, it is the result of Saudi women's irrepressible demands for their
legitimate rights and the global pressure mounting onto the Saudi autocratic
and theocratic rulers.
Though being allowed
to participate in the Olympics is a small victory for the resilient Saudi
women, there is a greater victory to be had in the subsequent discourse
regarding Saudi women's athletic participation, which will likely take place
inside Saudi Arabia.
Saudi King Calls for Global Unity Against
Terrorism
CDHR’s Commentary: Faced by growing threats from
its own source of legitimacy (the hard core elements in its religious
establishment) and increasing demands for real power-sharing from a burgeoning
generation of impatient women and men, the Saudi regime continues to rely on trickery
to protect itself.
In a speech read on his behalf
by his nephew, Foreign Minister Saud Al-Faisal, King Abdullah of Saudi
Arabia is reported to have said, "combating terrorism was a common international
responsibility requiring the highest degree of coordination and
cooperation.” On the surface, King
Abdullah’s call to fight terrorism is appealing because terrorism poses lethal
threats to the international community, especially to democratic societies
whose empowering values are considered a mortal threat to the Saudis and their
autocratic system. By using the catch
phrase “fighting terrorism,” the Saudi regime is misleading the international
community into waging a fight on its behalf.
In July 2011, the draft of a law
was leaked to Amnesty International that allegedly aims to combat terrorism in
Saudi Arabia when in reality its intent is to punish Saudis who advocate
peaceful political reforms. The draft Penal Law for Terrorism Crimes and Financing Terrorism was initiated under which the Saudi authorities
could detain people “potentially indefinitely” without charge or trial.
This legislation would also “give the authorities power to imprison for at
least ten years anybody who questions the integrity of the king or
his Crown Prince.” The Saudi regime
defines a terrorist as anyone whom it perceives to pose a threat to its
authoritarian system, including peaceful pro-democracy demonstrators. In stark contrast, the international
community defines terrorism as ideological violent acts committed by individuals
and/or groups whose intended objectives are to impose their value system upon
others.
While the Saudi regime appeals
for international unity in fighting terrorism, the truth is that they hope to
mobilize the world community to protect them on two fronts. First, the Saudi rulers are defending
themselves from their own religious zealots, some of whom the Saudis have used to terrorize others, as in Iraq. Second, they need protection from Saudi men
and women who advocate democratic reforms.
The question must be asked: how can the international community accept
the Saudi regime’s contention that these two groups are the same when one is
trying to destroy the regime by force and the other is trying to peacefully
reform the system so that a majority rules instead of the existing absolute
monarchy?
It is ironic that the Saudi
regime is asking the international community to unite against terrorism when
Saudi Arabia is widely considered the largest exporter and financier of religious extremists and
terrorist groups in the world. Indeed, fifteen of the nineteen September 11th
terrorists were of Saudi origin. Given
this fact and assuming that King Abdullah’s appeal is heeded, Saudi Arabia is
the place where those fighting terrorism should focus.
The Saudi Effort to
Combat Money Laundering and Terror Funding
CDHR’s Commentary: In a recent speech, Dr. Fahd Al-Mubarak, the Governor of
the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA), and the Chairman of the Standing
Committee for Combating Money Laundering is reported to have said, “The Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia has supported all international efforts to combat money
laundering and terror funding.” Because
there is no finance accountability, transparency or checks and balances in
Saudi Arabia, we do not know the true extent of their effort to combat terror
funding. Moreover, Saudi Arabia has the
Hawallah (transfer) system where anyone in Saudi Arabia can send money through
the bank without much paper trail or knowledge of the final recipient. There are about 10 million expatriate
laborers in Saudi Arabia. The majority
of them are Muslims from countries with strong religious extremist ties and
terrorist bases like Pakistan, Indonesia, the Philippines, Somalia, Yemen, and
Nigeria.
Equally important, the
root causes of terrorism remain unchanged in Saudi Arabia. Extremist values and incitements against
non-Muslims are still being taught in Saudi schools and in mosques. It is no
secret that the Saudi government and religious establishment are promoting and
financing their austere
brand of Islam worldwide. Furthermore,
the Saudi king promotes and describes the Saudi brand of Islam as the only religion that can save humanity. Determined and dangerously indoctrinated
young minds will not be deterred by a lack of money. These young radical Saudis will find allies
willing to raise the funds necessary to enable them to carry out their terrorist
acts.
The Saudis could do
much more to eradicate the root causes of terrorism. They can start by replacing all religious
based textbooks in their schools with scientific based books and removing all
religiously indoctrinated teachers and replacing them with worldly and human
rights trained teachers. The Saudis can
form a high caliber Muslim scholars’ council comprised of all Muslim
communities to revisit the Muslim textbooks and objectively not literally
review the material. This will not only
eliminate the root causes of extremism, but will guarantee all Muslims, especially women and
religious minorities their equal
rights.
Receding Fear Amongst Saudi
Women
CDHR’s Commentary: After generations of being marginalized and having their basic
human rights abrogated, Saudi women are taking charge in promoting various
types of change in their economically, religiously and strategically
influential country. As they become more
educated and informed of regional and global developments and trends, many
Saudi women are becoming increasingly disenchanted with their social conditions
and impatient with their government’s institutionalized discriminatory
policies.
Despite women’s efforts in the
past, the last decade has witnessed more women’s activities that are slowly
changing the extraordinary state resistance to reforms in Saudi Arabia. Until recently, most Saudi women activists
rarely appeared in the media until they began to access modern technologies to
mobilize and express their views on issues that could have merited heavy
punishment by autocratic and theocratic Saudi authorities if discussed
publicly.
Most of what the international
community hears about or seems to be interested in is the Saudi women’s
campaign for their right to drive. While
this is an essential first step toward women’s mobility and emancipation from
forced reliance on male relatives and hired hands, it is not the only objective
Saudi women are striving to achieve.
They are working on other milestone initiatives that are beginning to
change their society for the better.
Prominent amongst these initiatives are equality in economic
opportunities, education, health care, sports
and removal of impeding business laws, as well as de-legitimization of the
denigrating male guardian system and child marriage. The dividends of achieving these basic
citizenship objectives will have sweeping implications not only for Saudi women
and society, but for the international community as well.
Saudi women’s oppression is
attributed to Islam as interpreted and practiced in Saudi Arabia. Given this reality, Saudi women’s
gains can only be achieved by weakening the disproportionate power bestowed on
the notoriously known Saudi religious establishment, an oppressive front for
and tool of the Saudi ruling family.
This is the same religious establishment whose chief architect and
authority, the Saudi Mufti, issues Fatawi (religious edicts) condemning
peaceful demonstrations as anti-Islamic teaching and promoting destruction of Christian
churches in the Arabian Peninsula.
Through challenging the
strictures of the oppressive Saudi religious establishment and its overseers in
the Saudi government, women are likely to bring about transformation of the
intolerant, anti-democratic Saudi institutions that export and finance extremism and terrorism
worldwide. The Saudi women’s struggle to achieve their
rights benefits Western democracy. For
this reason, it makes sense that the West supports Saudi women in their efforts
to rid themselves of religious and cultural oppression.
Saudi Censorship Perforated Again
CDHR’s Commentary: Since the formation of the Saudi state in 1932, Saudi society has
suffered from severe censorship, due to the fact that the Saudi government is an absolute
tribal monarchy, authoritarian in nature.
With the help of Western technologies and expertise coupled with its
total control over its domestic media, the Saudi government was able to isolate
its population from the rest of the world for decades.
The Saudi government used to jam
many uncensored radio stations like the BBC, Arab Voice and Israel Arabic radio
programs. Newspapers and magazines that
printed uncomplimentary stories about the Saudi government, its policies and
institutions used to be confiscated by government censors and dumped into the
Red Sea and the Persian Gulf (this is prior to the Saudi discovery of shredding
machines).
Some Saudis discovered that high
tide washed ashore the remains of newspapers and magazines that Saudi customs
personnel had confiscated and thrown into the sea. The news of this discovery spread and many
curious people (hungry for information) flooded the beaches to hunt for damp
reminders of the outside world. Others
rented dinghies and started to look for news in the deep water.
As more Saudis became educated,
their curiosity prompted them to seek information about their government, the
Arab World and the international community. Since information entering the
country was and still is censored, Saudis became creative, traveling to
neighboring countries to read about world news including that of their own
society. The contrast between
what Saudis learnt outside the country and what their government’s news
outlets reported made many Saudis not only cynical about their government, but
also made them feel powerless, alienated, isolated and utterly distrustful. Fortunately, these feelings have changed with
the arrival of borderless modern technologies.
Driven by continued censorship
and lack of all forms of entertainment, the Saudis are reportedly frequent
users of modern technologies, especially YouTube, but the Internet in general. By monitoring Internet
exchanges among Saudis from all parts of the country, it is obvious that a dramatic
change of attitude, sense of empowerment and questioning of autocratic and
theocratic authorities are taking hold in the country.
Of supreme significance, the
Internet has enabled Saudis from different ethnic, gender, regional and
religious groups to communicate with each other and to realize that they have
more in common than the government has led them to believe. Moreover, the people are beginning to realize
that the system is the source of their divisions, oppression and disunity.
You may automatically unsubscribe from this list at any time by visiting the following URL:
http://cdhr.info/cgi-bin/dada/mail.cgi/u/[list]/
If the above URL is inoperable, make sure that you have copied the entire address. Some mail readers will wrap a long URL and thus break this automatic unsubscribe mechanism.
If you're still having trouble, please contact the list owner at:
This mailing list is announce-only.
The listserv for The Center for Democracy and Human Rights in Saudi Arabia
Any and all information given to CDHR is strictly confidential and shall not be disclosed to any other party for any reason.