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Date: July 17th 2012

Center for Democracy and Human Rights in Saudi Arabia, Washington DC

 

July 17, 2012

 

A Commentary and Analysis of the Current Saudi Scene

 

Recent Developments in Saudi Arabia Require Coherent and Democratically Inclined Leadership

 

 

Saudi Leadership In Turmoil

 

CDHR’s Analysis: There has not been a time in the history of the Saudi kingdom where the absence of a coherent leadership has been as conspicuous as it is today.  This is largely due to the recent deaths of the two most powerful and experienced princes of the old guard, former Defense Minister Sultan and Interior Minister Naif, who died within 8 months of each other.  King Abdullah is very frail due to his age and a severe back ailment, while some even maintain that he is incoherent.  In addition, the Foreign Minister, Saud Al-Faisal, has been in poor health for years and Prince Salman, the newly selected Crown Prince and most likely the next king, is aging and has had both heart problems and back issues for years.

 

Accordingly, there is a huge leadership vacuum in Saudi Arabia, a country whose stability is of major importance to the international community because it sits atop large quantities of oil reserves and is able to refine and export more petroleum than any country with the exception of Russia.  Given these facts, it is difficult to say who is actually running the state’s affairs in Saudi Arabia because of the ruling family’s secretive behind-the-scenes power struggle.

 

However, one can postulate as to what might be going on behind the fortified gold-plated palace doors.  With the exception of Saudi Intelligence minders, Prince Migrin and Prince Ahmed, who inherited Prince Naif’s Interior Ministry position in June, the end of the first generation of Saudi ruling princes is all but over.  However, they have groomed and placed their male offspring in position to inherit powers from their parents.  King Abdullah’s son, Mitib, is State Minister and director of the fierce National Guard, estimated at sixty to eighty thousand well-armed and religiously indoctrinated loyal soldiers.  Prince Khalid Bin Sultan, son of former Defense Minister and Crown Prince Sultan, is second in command of the armed forces.  Prince Mohammed Bin Naif, son of former Interior Minister and Crown Prince Naif, is second in command of his father’s ministry, the backbone of the family and state domestic security.

 

These sons are likely to assume powerful positions in any future government.  Yet there are others who may be in line for the thrown.  For example, the former Director of the Intelligence and ambassador to great Britain and the US, Prince Turki Al-Faisal, is a grouchy, aggressive, and experienced man and the son of former King Faisal, one of the family’s most decisive and temperamental kings (King Faisal was assassinated by a nephew in March 1975).  Given his experience, character and toughness, it is more likely that Prince Al-Faisal will play a major role in any future government, and it will not be surprising if he were to become the first king of the second generation.  His brother Khalid, governor of Mecca, is a force to reckon with as well.  Khalid is an educated, poetic, and experienced anti-religious zealot in favor of upgrading and moving the education system away from the control of the religious establishment.  Khalid also owns the most liberal Arabic daily, Al-Watan.

 

Regardless of who rises to power, tangible reforms and inclusion are inevitable if the ruling family wishes to survive the waging Arab Revolt.  The Saudi people are mostly young, disconnected from the past, and more interested in modernity than in religion, tradition and studying the Quran.  Like their counterparts both in Arab and non-Arab societies, the younger generation strives for greater freedom from authorities.  They want better paying jobs, respect, a relaxed social life, and equality, especially for women and religious minorities.

 

As the Saudi ruling family’s most trusted ally, the U.S. can play a positive role in helping the Saudi ruling princes include the restless population in the decision-making processes and governing of the state.  For example, all governors should be non-royals as is the case now.  Free municipal and national elections to choose local and national male and female representatives can go a long way in power sharing, avoiding violent revolt and stabilizing the country.

 

The Olympics: Saudi Women Have Done it

 

CDHR's Commentary: At long last, the ruling Saudi monarchy has realized that Saudi women’s demands for their rights cannot be ignored.  For this reason, the Saudi regime has decided to let women participate in the Olympic Games in London, July 2012.

 

However, hanging over what should be a momentous occasion for the Saudi kingdom is a cloud of doubt.  The Olympics are less than two weeks away and Saudi women are hardly prepared to compete in most sports, let alone the most competitive athletics event in the world.  While Saudi women would likely excel in any competition, they are prevented from practicing sports in their country.

 

In addition, it has been revealed that the most likely female competitor in this year's games, 20-year-old equestrian Dalma Rushdi Malhas, has been disqualified due to late registration.  Deviously, the Saudi government was already aware that Ms. Malhas, the only Saudi woman prepared for the games, had been disqualified when it made its announcement.

 

With the games just weeks away and little to no chance that another Saudi woman will be able to take the field in London, one cannot help but wonder about the timing of the government's decision.  Is it conceivable that the ruling Saudi elites want to ensure women's failure at the Olympics so they can justify their discriminatory policies against them?  The rulers have long considered women physically, emotionally and mentally incapable of doing more than providing pleasure for males, giving birth and raising “good men.”

 

Saudi Arabia has participated in nine Olympic Games since 1972 but has repeatedly violated the standards of the games by barring women from its national team.  Officials with the International Olympic Committee (IOC) have long said the Kingdom's policy of gender discrimination contradicts the Olympics’ charter, which states "any form of discrimination with regard to a country or a person on the grounds of race, religion, politics, sex or otherwise is incompatible with ... the Olympic Movement."

 

However, the IOC has failed to implement its charter and ban Saudi Arabia from participating in the Olympics as it did with South Africa in 1964 over its refusal to condemn apartheid and include blacks on its Olympic team.  After years of watching women from all over the world, including Arab and Muslim women, participate in the Olympics, Saudi women are making their voices heard and demands felt in Saudi Arabia and beyond.

 

It must be said that the decision made by the Saudi regime to let women participate in the Olympics in London is not an altruistic one.  To the contrary, it is the result of Saudi women's irrepressible demands for their legitimate rights and the global pressure mounting onto the Saudi autocratic and theocratic rulers.

 

Though being allowed to participate in the Olympics is a small victory for the resilient Saudi women, there is a greater victory to be had in the subsequent discourse regarding Saudi women's athletic participation, which will likely take place inside Saudi Arabia.

 

 

Saudi King Calls for Global Unity Against Terrorism

 

CDHR’s Commentary: Faced by growing threats from its own source of legitimacy (the hard core elements in its religious establishment) and increasing demands for real power-sharing from a burgeoning generation of impatient women and men, the Saudi regime continues to rely on trickery to protect itself.

 

In a speech read on his behalf by his nephew, Foreign Minister Saud Al-Faisal, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia is reported to have said, "combating terrorism was a common international responsibility requiring the highest degree of coordination and cooperation.”  On the surface, King Abdullah’s call to fight terrorism is appealing because terrorism poses lethal threats to the international community, especially to democratic societies whose empowering values are considered a mortal threat to the Saudis and their autocratic system.  By using the catch phrase “fighting terrorism,” the Saudi regime is misleading the international community into waging a fight on its behalf.

 

In July 2011, the draft of a law was leaked to Amnesty International that allegedly aims to combat terrorism in Saudi Arabia when in reality its intent is to punish Saudis who advocate peaceful political reforms.  The draft Penal Law for Terrorism Crimes and Financing Terrorism was initiated under which the Saudi authorities could detain people “potentially indefinitely” without charge or trial.  This legislation would also “give the authorities power to imprison for at least ten years anybody who questions the integrity of the king or his Crown Prince.”  The Saudi regime defines a terrorist as anyone whom it perceives to pose a threat to its authoritarian system, including peaceful pro-democracy demonstrators.  In stark contrast, the international community defines terrorism as ideological violent acts committed by individuals and/or groups whose intended objectives are to impose their value system upon others.

 

While the Saudi regime appeals for international unity in fighting terrorism, the truth is that they hope to mobilize the world community to protect them on two fronts.  First, the Saudi rulers are defending themselves from their own religious zealots, some of whom the Saudis have used to terrorize others, as in Iraq.  Second, they need protection from Saudi men and women who advocate democratic reforms.  The question must be asked: how can the international community accept the Saudi regime’s contention that these two groups are the same when one is trying to destroy the regime by force and the other is trying to peacefully reform the system so that a majority rules instead of the existing absolute monarchy?

 

It is ironic that the Saudi regime is asking the international community to unite against terrorism when Saudi Arabia is widely considered the largest exporter and financier of religious extremists and terrorist groups in the world.  Indeed, fifteen of the nineteen September 11th terrorists were of Saudi origin.  Given this fact and assuming that King Abdullah’s appeal is heeded, Saudi Arabia is the place where those fighting terrorism should focus.

 

 

The Saudi Effort to Combat Money Laundering and Terror Funding

 

CDHR’s Commentary: In a recent speech, Dr. Fahd Al-Mubarak, the Governor of the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA), and the Chairman of the Standing Committee for Combating Money Laundering is reported to have said, “The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has supported all international efforts to combat money laundering and terror funding.”  Because there is no finance accountability, transparency or checks and balances in Saudi Arabia, we do not know the true extent of their effort to combat terror funding.  Moreover, Saudi Arabia has the Hawallah (transfer) system where anyone in Saudi Arabia can send money through the bank without much paper trail or knowledge of the final recipient.  There are about 10 million expatriate laborers in Saudi Arabia.  The majority of them are Muslims from countries with strong religious extremist ties and terrorist bases like Pakistan, Indonesia, the Philippines, Somalia, Yemen, and Nigeria.

 

Equally important, the root causes of terrorism remain unchanged in Saudi Arabia.  Extremist values and incitements against non-Muslims are still being taught in Saudi schools and in mosques.  It is no secret that the Saudi government and religious establishment are promoting and financing their austere brand of Islam worldwide.  Furthermore, the Saudi king promotes and describes the Saudi brand of Islam as the only religion that can save humanity.  Determined and dangerously indoctrinated young minds will not be deterred by a lack of money.  These young radical Saudis will find allies willing to raise the funds necessary to enable them to carry out their terrorist acts.

 

The Saudis could do much more to eradicate the root causes of terrorism.  They can start by replacing all religious based textbooks in their schools with scientific based books and removing all religiously indoctrinated teachers and replacing them with worldly and human rights trained teachers.  The Saudis can form a high caliber Muslim scholars’ council comprised of all Muslim communities to revisit the Muslim textbooks and objectively not literally review the material.  This will not only eliminate the root causes of extremism, but will guarantee all Muslims, especially women and religious minorities their equal rights.

 

Receding Fear Amongst Saudi Women

 

CDHR’s Commentary: After generations of being marginalized and having their basic human rights abrogated, Saudi women are taking charge in promoting various types of change in their economically, religiously and strategically influential country.  As they become more educated and informed of regional and global developments and trends, many Saudi women are becoming increasingly disenchanted with their social conditions and impatient with their government’s institutionalized discriminatory policies.

 

Despite women’s efforts in the past, the last decade has witnessed more women’s activities that are slowly changing the extraordinary state resistance to reforms in Saudi Arabia.  Until recently, most Saudi women activists rarely appeared in the media until they began to access modern technologies to mobilize and express their views on issues that could have merited heavy punishment by autocratic and theocratic Saudi authorities if discussed publicly.

 

Most of what the international community hears about or seems to be interested in is the Saudi women’s campaign for their right to drive.  While this is an essential first step toward women’s mobility and emancipation from forced reliance on male relatives and hired hands, it is not the only objective Saudi women are striving to achieve.  They are working on other milestone initiatives that are beginning to change their society for the better.  Prominent amongst these initiatives are equality in economic opportunities, education, health care, sports and removal of impeding business laws, as well as de-legitimization of the denigrating male guardian system and child marriage.  The dividends of achieving these basic citizenship objectives will have sweeping implications not only for Saudi women and society, but for the international community as well.

 

Saudi women’s oppression is attributed to Islam as interpreted and practiced in Saudi Arabia. Given this reality, Saudi women’s gains can only be achieved by weakening the disproportionate power bestowed on the notoriously known Saudi religious establishment, an oppressive front for and tool of the Saudi ruling family.  This is the same religious establishment whose chief architect and authority, the Saudi Mufti, issues Fatawi (religious edicts) condemning peaceful demonstrations as anti-Islamic teaching and promoting destruction of Christian churches in the Arabian Peninsula.

 

Through challenging the strictures of the oppressive Saudi religious establishment and its overseers in the Saudi government, women are likely to bring about transformation of the intolerant, anti-democratic Saudi institutions that export and finance extremism and terrorism worldwide.  The Saudi women’s struggle to achieve their rights benefits Western democracy.  For this reason, it makes sense that the West supports Saudi women in their efforts to rid themselves of religious and cultural oppression.

 

Saudi Censorship Perforated Again

 

CDHR’s Commentary: Since the formation of the Saudi state in 1932, Saudi society has suffered from severe censorship, due to the fact that the Saudi government is an absolute tribal monarchy, authoritarian in nature.  With the help of Western technologies and expertise coupled with its total control over its domestic media, the Saudi government was able to isolate its population from the rest of the world for decades.

 

The Saudi government used to jam many uncensored radio stations like the BBC, Arab Voice and Israel Arabic radio programs.  Newspapers and magazines that printed uncomplimentary stories about the Saudi government, its policies and institutions used to be confiscated by government censors and dumped into the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf (this is prior to the Saudi discovery of shredding machines).

 

Some Saudis discovered that high tide washed ashore the remains of newspapers and magazines that Saudi customs personnel had confiscated and thrown into the sea.  The news of this discovery spread and many curious people (hungry for information) flooded the beaches to hunt for damp reminders of the outside world.  Others rented dinghies and started to look for news in the deep water.

 

As more Saudis became educated, their curiosity prompted them to seek information about their government, the Arab World and the international community. Since information entering the country was and still is censored, Saudis became creative, traveling to neighboring countries to read about world news including that of their own society.  The contrast between what Saudis learnt outside the country and what their government’s news outlets reported made many Saudis not only cynical about their government, but also made them feel powerless, alienated, isolated and utterly distrustful.  Fortunately, these feelings have changed with the arrival of borderless modern technologies.

 

Driven by continued censorship and lack of all forms of entertainment, the Saudis are reportedly frequent users of modern technologies, especially YouTube, but the Internet in general. By monitoring Internet exchanges among Saudis from all parts of the country, it is obvious that a dramatic change of attitude, sense of empowerment and questioning of autocratic and theocratic authorities are taking hold in the country.

 

Of supreme significance, the Internet has enabled Saudis from different ethnic, gender, regional and religious groups to communicate with each other and to realize that they have more in common than the government has led them to believe.  Moreover, the people are beginning to realize that the system is the source of their divisions, oppression and disunity.

 

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